Category Archives: Commentary

What Lies Ahead; Postmodern Presidency- Part IV

This entry is part 4 of 4 in the series Post-modern Presidency

Presidential SealFortunately G. W. Bush failed as a post-modern president.  He was unable to project a successful image of himself and failed at being only a pragmatist and relativist.  Unfortunately, he also failed to govern according to Biblical and eternal principles.  He applied some clear principles but often did what he thought, i.e. felt was right.  I believe that he is a man of convictions, but these convictions are not always founded on godly foundations.  In certain areas he allowed for decisions that were unbiblical.  Alas, he supported the idolatrous concept of Statism which encourages “Big Government” and the apparent inevitability of Big Government.  Some examples of this would be the No Child Left Behind Act, the Medicare Prescription Drug benefits, endless deficits, the budgetary increases, and finally the bailouts.  His economic plan was pragmatic as well and his justification for war was ineptly presented and articulated.  .

As the Bush presidency ends and Obama’s begins what can we look forward to in the future?  Will the Obama presidency be a principled or a post-modern presidency?  What have we learned concerning this through the campaign and election of 2008?  I contend that the election of 2008 was the most post-modern campaign in American history that projects to the ascendency of a truly post-modern president in Barach Obama.

In the election of 2008 the candidates were continually creating images of themselves and trying to tag the other with short lasting impressions.  It did not matter whether these impressions were true or not; what mattered is whether they stuck or not, or whether they were useful.  We know that images stick, especially since the age of television politics began.  The forerunner was the 1960 election when Kennedy debated Nixon on television and presented a far superior presence than Nixon, probably securing him victory.  And who can forget the 1988 election when Bush constantly ran a commercial depicting Dukakis as a goofball riding in a tank with his helmeted head bouncing out of the top.  These were very powerful images.

In the 2008 election each candidate was trying to own the concept of “change”.  Both Obama and McCain claimed to be agents of change and it often became a contest between who could create the greatest facade of change.  Also they tried to portray the other as having a specific image whether that picture was true or not, accurate or not, with it sometimes being partially true.  For example, McCain called Obama a socialist.  He tried to make this image of Obama stick.  Is it true that Obama is a socialist?  As a philosopher I have read the writings of socialists.  The truth of the matter is that, yes, an argument can be made that Obama is a socialist, but McCain was not good at explaining what a socialist is (one who believes in the centralized ownership of property) and exactly how Obama practices socialism.  This was difficult because McCain also has socialist tendencies and publicly supported the government bailout of the banking industry which was clearly a socialist action.  In some ways it was one socialist calling the other socialist, a socialist.

McCain was unsuccessful at making any truly negative image of Obama stick.  He attempted to portray him as inexperienced or anti-American but never really succeeded.  In contrast, Obama and his supporters were able to make McCain look consistently erratic by pinning this image of him as erratic based on his sudden decision to return to Washington and call off the campaign when the financial crisis broke out in its fullest.  Yes, this may have been an erratic-like decision by McCain, but by linking this to a few other actions like McCain’s choice of Palin along with McCain’s age made this portrayal of McCain stick.

Is McCain erratic?  I don’t know, but many of the talking heads picked up on the use of this term and suddenly everyone believed this presented a reason to be hesitant about McCain.  It did not matter whether it was a true character portrayal or not.  Americans believed that this made him a risky candidate.  The Obama campaign also successfully linked the image of McCain to the image of Bush thus damaging McCain as well.  And the slaughter of Palin by presenting false images or half-true images of her is inexcusable but was a very successful part of the Obama campaign.  McCain’s campaign often reverted to his true image of American hero, even though those events of over thirty years ago are irrelevant to his policies today. They can only reflect a bit of significance about his current character.

There was not much real substance to the campaign.  Many cannot tell you what Obama believes beyond his promise to end the war and to cut taxes.  They are unaware of his voting record on issues like abortion and government spending or control.  Obama won the election not because of his policies, but because he had a superior story and created a better image.  There was little in the campaign about policy.  Obama won because he established an image of youthfulness, vitality, steadiness, change and due to his organizational skills and ability to communicate.  Most people cannot tell you what his political accomplishments are except winning elections.  And Obama supporters accused McCain of avoiding the issues all the while curtailing the campaign from becoming a contest about issues or from it being about Obama’s voting record as the most liberal in all of the Senate.  And I personally enjoy asking Obama supporters what he has politically accomplished other than succeeded at being elected.  They do not have a response or they mutter something unrelated to the question.

Obama wants to be perceived as the president of all Americans.  He wants to be looked at as a centrist.  Evidence of this is shown by his choice of Hilary Clinton as Secretary of State, of Secretary of Defense Robert Gates a holdover from the Bush administration and of his using Rick Warren as the pastor leading the inaugural prayer.  These present us an image of a moderate democrat attempting to appeal to all America.  But when it comes to social issues Obama is no moderate.  He made a campaign promise to Planned Parenthood that he would sign the Freedom of Choice Act if it came to his desk.  This would overrule all abortion limitations that have been passed by states.  As Citizens for Community Values has revealed He has also named Tom Daschle as Secretary of Health and Human Services.  The former Senator never saw an abortion limitation he liked and even supported partial birth abortion.  He will support all anti-family legislation.  Obama has spoken of reducing the number of abortions nevertheless his White House Communications Director will be Ellen Moran, the Executive Director of Emily’s List, whose only mission is to promote pro-abortion candidates.  Overall, it looks like the litmus test of serving in the Obama cabinet or on his staff is to be pro-abortion.  Any suspicions how it will affect his court appointments?  But this extreme liberalism is not the image we have of him.

Obama has promised to “rebuild America”.  We need a “new” America, but I am afraid that it is not the one of that will be given in the near future.  The best we can expect will be a new image of America, but this incoming post-modern president could be very successful at providing a successful image of a rebuilt America.  The concern, however, must be that what that America will look like?  I have my suspicions.  What will come next may ultimately be very disconcerting and not at all look like the America we were raised on.   A successful post-modern presidency will provide an appearance of success and a perception that we have solved our troubling problems, but it will not really be an answer and certainly not make us a better people.  It is time for Americans to regroup, to reject the premises of post-modern relativism, pragmatism, and image-building and to return to a principled, biblically-based world view.  This will be the only way to truly solve the crises that we now face. Let us commit ourselves to this prayer and effort.

BUSH’S FAILURE AS A POST-MODERN

This entry is part 3 of 4 in the series Post-modern Presidency

Presidential SealSo if Bush failed as a truly principled president, was he therefore a post-modern president and thus a successful post-modern president?  In the previous essay, it was argued that Bush could have been a successful principled president but he failed at that task by compromising numerous historic principles of justice, conservatism, and capitalism.  Now this does not mean he is not a Christian or that he was personally unethical.  What it means is that at times (more and more as the years wore on) he obviously compromised these principles in developing public and social policy.  And even when he believed that he was practicing those principles he failed at clearly articulating those principles to the American public.  He will undoubtedly go down as the worst communicator among modern presidents.  His failure to stand consistently principled and his inability to articulate the principles he did hold have turned the American people against him and made him a laughingstock. Does this make him post-modern?

He did have the chance to be a great post-modern president in the image of Bill Clinton..  He had a great American story fall right into his lap.  All he needed to do was to keep America united beginning with the events of 9/11 and the story which came out of that.  Post-moderns are great story-tellers, ignoring the truth of the story.  For the post-modern it is power that matters and not whether the story is true.  Images are for power-broking.  The story was dropped into his hands on 9/11 but he failed; He was just too poor of a story-teller.

A better post-modern president could have used this to make sweeping changes toward a new revitalized America that he had created.  In post-modernism there is no essential country.  America or any country is defined by the image that those in places of power create.  Successful post-modern politicians are those who are able to re-invent themselves and re-invent their dominions as the political climate changes.  One can mock this view by sarcastically portraying the modern politician asking himself what he believes on a particular topic and then the politician quickly turning to his advisor and asking her to “quickly take a poll so I can know what I believe.”  Philosopher Richard Rorty has called it “achieving our country.”  There is no America, we have to create it.  Bush failed in this and so his popularity tumbled.

Bush tried to build an image of strength after 9/11 and told a good enough story about Weapons of Mass Destruction to unite the country for war.  But this ultimately failed.  He was caught in the apparent lie and even if it wasn’t a lie, the post-modern media which was not interested in the truth but in discrediting the president, were better post-moderns than Bush.  Thus it does not matter whether there really were weapons of mass destruction; what matters is that Bush wore the mantle of failure for the inability to find these weapons (I believe they had been moved out before we arrived).  This image stuck to him.  Today no one knows really why we are fighting. If we have a legitimate basis, then Bush and his administration have failed to sell the American public on the reason.

The image that sticks is that it is Bush’s War, not America’s, so the Democrats and the media have made this Bush’s legacy.  Bush was personally principled.  He still believes in doing the right thing. I think that he has himself convinced that he has ruled in a principled manner. The problem is he does not know what the right thing is.  He is not biblically grounded enough to rule as a principled Christian and he is not personally deceptive and immoral enough to succeed as a post-modern.  Because of that he gave in and compromised his principles based on his own personal “feelings” (and I speculate upon the advice of unprincipled advisors).

Bush’s convictions are not strong or deep enough.  I think that he still believes himself to be a fiscal conservative even though the national deficit has climbed to over a trillion dollars.  Because of this lack of principled depth, he has been too willing to compromise, and on the other hand he is too personally principled to become sold out to post-modernism.  He could not compete with the post-moderns who created an image of him that is far worse than he really is.  And for principled Christians Bush has failed by overseeing a government that has become more idolatrous than ever before wanting to oversee all of life.  Furthermore we’ve been in a prolonged indefensible war, failed to act swiftly on the economy, and showed an inability to articulate in succinct ways why principled social values need to be observed by all.  Thus I conclude then that Bush is a man without a country.  He failed in achieving a new America, a successful post-modern America, and he failed in understanding and maintaining the historic Constitutional and moral principles that is grounded in and guided by Eternal Truth. We should be rejoice that he failed as a post-modern but devastated at his failure as a truly principled ruler.  Oh, for a true Christian Statesman!

Post-Modern Success and A Failure of Principle; The Post-Modern Presidency- Part II

This entry is part 2 of 4 in the series Post-modern Presidency

Presidential SealIn the last essay post-modernism is briefly described along with how Bill Clinton’s presidency was a post-modern presidency.  That opinion piece ended with a summary of how G.W. Bush was elected by many who hoped to put a reversal to this, even if they didn’t understand the concept of post-modernism.  These supporters of Bush were people who knew that God existed, that there was truth in the universe; they were disturbed by the continued swing to relativistic ethics (morality as determined by the individual), that a lie was no longer defined as a lie, and that government was becoming God in the lives of Americans by controlling and monitoring everything we do.  Bush was a glimmer of light and hope.  Ah, relief, the Clinton years could become ancient history.  Maybe it was all a mirage, a nightmare.  Unfortunately to many it was a nightmare of the worst kind (that’s a nightmare that is not really a nightmare but reality).  With Bush’s inauguration, my Christian friends could now cease their imprecatory prayers toward Washington.

Articles are now being published attempting to evaluate the Bush years and to measure his forthcoming legacy.    Democrats are blaming him for everything, while friends and associates are publicly defending and spinning the administration’s decisions and actions.  As one looks back on the presidency of George W. Bush, one can evaluate his achievements from two distinct vantage points.  In retrospect, Bush could have had a “successful” presidential legacy by remaining principled and honorable, or second he could have succeeded in a manner like Clinton reinventing himself as a triumphant post-modern president.  Bush, though, failed on both of these accounts.  This essay will evaluate the failure in the first way and the next essay in his failure as a post-modern.

Has Bush been successful as a principled president or as a successful post-modern president?  Let’s first make a broadly general principled Christian evaluation.  As stated earlier, Bush seemingly started out well.  He was strongly pro-life and took lots of heat for his principled stand against infanticide for stem cell research purposes.  He cut taxes in 2001 and again in 2003.  Why, word even spread that he openly shared his Christian faith.  He appeared principled and talked about wanting to keep a lid on government spending.  There was hope restraint would be placed on the idolatrous role of government over our lives.

When he was first elected I actually thought that there was a chance that he would become, a truly principled president.  I was hesitant because I initially thought he was ideologically like his father, a centrist and a compromiser.  But early in his presidency he made me become optimistic that he actually was principled and historically conservative in his approach to big government, budgeting, defense, and on social issues.  And though I opposed him on faith-based initiatives because I do not see this as a role government should play.  (In response to faith-based initiatives, I’ve argued before, cut our taxes and allow us to support the faith-based causes we believe in).  I, however, saw this as an expression of his faith convictions; and the concept of compassionate conservatism rang true to the desire to practice positive fruit-bearing faith in the market place.

In the early months succeeding this 9/11 event Bush looked pretty good.  He appeared in control as he visited grief-stricken New York City.  He seemed determined to get those who had forged this atrocity.  He (we) would get the culprits, Osama bin Ladin and Sadam Hussein; we would find the weapons of mass destruction.  America would take the high road and fight terrorism on a principled moral stand, the right to self-defense.  Might and goodness would prevail.  We were the ones attacked and we had good (even God) on our side as justice would triumph.  Bush and Guiliani emerged as the symbols of this appeal to justice and Americans responded with apparent unity and a revival of patriotism. Just as Americans rallied in support of WWII after an extension of our homeland was attacked at Pearl Harbor, we could not remain still as sitting ducks.  We were united because we had been attacked.

WHAT HAPPENED?  After 9/11 Bush led us off to war, but failed to build the case for a principled just war.  It looked like a war of revenge, like a war for oil not a just war on principle.  It even felt just because we’d been attacked first, even if it had not been by the forces of Sadam Hussein.  Everyone agreed that Afghanistan that could be justifiably attacked but Iraq was questionable at best.

In order for war to be just there must be a just reason for it; it also must be declared by a competent authority and as a last resort.  There was never a just cause publicly and consistently provided for the Iraq War.  Different reasons were given at different times (an evil oppressive government, they were behind 9/11, oil) but never was a just reason accepted by a consensus, except for the initial anger.  This war should have been publicly debated prior to the invasion, not just given a nod of approval by a Congress still reeling from the effects of 9/11.  Congress failed in its initial response to the terrorism and because of that it became Bush’s War and not America’s War.  Only a public declaration of war can make a war owned by the whole government and by the people.  Since no morally comprehensive just reason for the Iraqi War was established, a new concept or reason was launched: seek out weapons of mass destruction in Iraq for they threaten the region and our interests.  We’ll fight a war not for justice but to limit the power of a potential enemy, even though they were not directly involved with the attacks of 2001.  A just cause could have also been a formal declaration of war against Iraq for training, supporting, and harboring those who had declared war on America, but this too was not done.

As it became obvious that there was no consensus publict reason for the Iraqi War, except to capture Sadam Hussein, Bush emerged no longer principled but willing to buy and sell a lie without real verification, to send us to war on this lie, to compromise principles of just war by permitting and even supporting the torture of prisoners.  Then to justify torture, specifically water-boarding, leadership becomes Clintonesque by redefining torture.  There is no difference in Bush saying that it is not torture than Clinton saying it is not sex.  Our collective character, at least what remained of it, was substantially destroyed in this war.  Foreign countries mock us because we’ve no visible character left standing. It has been said that America is great because it is good, but I add that once America is no longer good that it ceases to be great.  Of course there are great difficulties and challenges in fighting an assymmetrical war, but at what moral cost?  A just war must be fought in a just way but also all-out to be won.

Furthermore we hold prisoners without trial calling them prisoners of war, yet we are technically still not at war.  I believe that those who are being held at Guatanamo are generally terrorists and evil men, but our own system of law cannot be compromised.  We needed to either hold them as prisoners of war, as part of a legally declared just war, or charge them as international criminals and publicly try them.  Instead we just hold them and make ourselves  unjust.  And internally, historic American rights to privacy are lost to the pragmatic security argument post 911 and in recent years government expansion occurs exponentially.  Bush must be commended for protecting American citizens post-9/11, but what freedoms have been compromised?  And how compromised do our borders still remain?  Let’s see now, we are still in a war that continues today, a war based on muddled premises, and a war that has expanded government and possibly compromised American freedoms.

This war, like all post WWII wars is ironically not formally a war, yet it is a war.  A principled president would have declared a formal declaration of war and gone forward with it, or not have done so at all on this basis.  This is unquestionably difficult when the war is not against a state but asymmetrical and against a “hidden” group of people.  Nevertheless, it needed to have been guided by the principles of justice, not by pragmatic aspirations.  And yes, we detain prisoners for years without trials justifying it by calling them prisoners of war, but we are still not constitutionally at war.  (This is the new post-modern re-definition of war.  We only call it a war when it works for us to do so otherwise it is not a war).  Before the war began I publicly stated that a plan for a replacement government in Iraq had to be in place before the war/revolution there began.  It had to be a war owned by the revolutionaries from Iraq and supported by outside military forces.  In order for it to be successful it had to be a war led by the Iraqi people in a just revolution with a government in exile already in place even before the war began.

This non-war war continues.  The budget is out of control, the national debt has multiplied, yet some people believe Bush is still a conservative?  Compassionate conservatism (I haven’t heard that phrase for years) is dead; it means nothing today.  And most recently government has involved itself in areas where it has no right being, in the government bailouts of privately owned banks and businesses.  This economic crisis has not been confronted by consistent principles but rather by pragmatic considerations.  One of the most glaring statements of absurdity and post-modernity was recently uttered by Bush, “I’ve abandoned free market principles to save the free market system.”  No, George, you’ve abandoned these principles in order to save your own legacy.

Bush failed as a principled president, the hope that so many had when he entered office. There was another option for Bush though.  Bush still had the possibility of becoming a successful post-modern president.  Is Bush really a closet post-modern and only deceived us in being principled?  In the next installment, an examination of Bush as a post-modern president will be given.

Sowing The Wind- Part VII

This entry is part 7 of 8 in the series Ohio Con Con Call

Public Policy RadarRecently this author was interviewed by Dr. Laurie Roth on her nationally syndicated radio talk show. Dr. Roth was kind enough to interview me for the entire second hour of her three hour daily broadcast on the subject of the current attempts by several states to pass resolutions calling for a Constitutional Convention (Con Con). That interview can be heard here.

Dr. Roth does an excellent job of asking the questions that get at the core of the problem and why all Christian constitutionalists should be united in opposing new calls in their state legislatures that haven’t yet moved for one and working to get recission resolutions passed in those that have passed one in the last 30 years or so. Yes, that’s 30 years, not days or even months.That’s how old some of these so-called “active” Con Con calls are.

If you don’t understand why a Con Con call is such a big deal, then you might take about an hour and listen to this broadcast. And you might take some time and listen to Dr. Roth’s program. It available by audio streaming week nights from 6-9 PM Eastern Time here.

Please keep in mind that we have achieved only a temporary victory over an Ohio Con Con call. The sponsors in each house of the Ohio legislature have pledged to re-introduce the resolutions in the new sessions which are convened early in the new year. We at the Institute For Principled Policy and a network of other concerned groups across the political spectrum are pledged to keep you informed to what action is needed to stop these calls for a Con Con!

Sowing The Wind- Part VI

This entry is part 6 of 8 in the series Ohio Con Con Call

Public Policy RadarThe amount of media attention that is being generated in response to the Ohio Legislature’s attempt to  petition Congress to call a Constitutional Convention (Con Con) is an excellent indicator of a phenomena first described by Mark Twain when he said “The reports of my death have been greatly exaggerated.” Since this last general election the liberal wing of the Republican party, national and local party party leadership  and their allies in the media have been very busy declaring the conservative movement as an irrelevant anachronism which needs to be jettisoned immediately in order that the Republican “tent” be made ever larger. In other words it only needs to become more Democrat to see election success.

Prototypical is Ohio Republican vice-chairman Kevin DeWine’s announcement of the irrelevance and impending abandonment of “conservatives” who hold to their conservatism consistently, i.e. are both true fiscal and social conservatives.  Just so there can be no mistaking what he meant by it, DeWine says it not just once but twice. Note that DeWine attempts to redefine what “conservatism” is “really” composed of.  DeWine’s modern “conservatism” consists of “fiscal conservatism” which Republicans currently define as government-business partnerships (corporate welfare) minus a “distracting fixation on social issues.”

Part of the question being dealt with here is which vision of conservatism Ohio’s Christian conservative leadership will align themselves with. Will they adopt a comprehensive biblical model encompassing all facets of life (including DeWine’s concerns with “ethics”) or will they show themselves to be more interested in making friends with Republican leadership and give leaders like DeWine and the “big tent” philosophy a pass? See DeWine’s statements for yourself in the video below. Pay close attention at the 0:47 and 2:15 marks of the video.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4zzF8cCqWQI[/youtube]

So what does all of this have to do with a Constitutional Convention (Con Con) call resolution in the Ohio legislature? Well, it has to do with the political tin ear of Ohio’s conservative legislative leadership. This author was told by legislators connected to the Con Con call that one of the reasons that the resolution was done was to “unite the conservative base.” And so the legislators got their wish. Can anyone deny that conservatives in both Ohio and around the country are now united? Of course, what we are united in is our opposition to calling a Constitutional Convention. And yet the House sponsor has indicated that he intends to re-introduce the Con Con call resolution as soon as the new session starts in January, should it fail to pass this session.

Based on conversations with the sponsor, he will not be persuaded of the error of the idea that a “more strongly worded” resolution will “fix this thing” and satisfy all parties.  He appears to believe that the opposition is incapable of “properly interpreting” the facts of history, unlike the groups that have his and other legislators’ ear like the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), which appears to be where the model for the Con Con resolution came from.  Don’t bother trying to find the info at ALEC’s website. It’s hidden from public eyes behind a $7000 minimum “public sector” membership wall.

All of this may show that, contrary to what they may say, the Republican “conservatives” actually believe the party leadership propaganda that we aren’t very bright and think we really have no lasting cohesion. So far the response from conservative and other groups has testified to the opposite.

As the majority of those who testified at the Ohio House Judiciary Committee stipulated, a balanced budget is a noble desire. It is also a biblical conservative principle to operate within your economic means. A balanced budget amendment is not where the problem lies. The problem is with a Con Con call to get it.

The institute For Principled Policy is currently researching a position paper explaining why the “limited” Con Con call that these well-intentioned representatives from Ohio and several other states are trying to make is an oxymoron. There simply is no such thing as a “limited” Con Con.

By historical precedent, once constituted a Con Con is a super-legislative body with no responsibility to the bodies calling it or the bodies selecting delegates to it and the authority to completely re-write the existing Constitution, including the ratification procedures that Con Con advocates are attempting to hide behind as a protective screen. That defense didn’t work in 1787-89 and it won’t work with any new constitution. The Constitution of 1789 was ratified using a self-contained ratification procedure. The ratification procedure contained in the Articles of Confederation, which required unanimous consent, was ignored. Thus, Article V of the Constitution was recognized as being in effect before it became the supreme law of the land.

Many, many are the constitutional experts who will testify to the truth of the statement made above. Thanks to Coach David Daubenmire who recently had constitutional scholar Dr. Edwin Vieira, Jr. on his Pass The Salt radio program (can be heard Saturday mornings 9:00-11:00 AM on WLRY). We have run the entire interview because Dr. Vieira gives such a potent presentation on the Constitution, especially constitutional money:  A substance that would have kept us from the current economic precipice and therefore kept us from the need for a balanced budget amendment.

Dr. Vieira is a constitutional attorney in private practice, a regular contributor to News With Views, a respected author of such books as How To Dethrone The Imperial Judiciary, and PIeces of Eight: The Monetary Powers and the Disabilities of the United States Constitution,  is Director of the National Alliance For Constitutional Money and has been published on constitutional law in publications such as Wake Forest Law Review, South Carolina Law Review, DePaul Law Review and other publications.  Dr. Vieira received his M.A. and Ph.D. from Harvard, along with graduating cum laude from the Harvard School of Law in 1973.

This author had the privilege of being invited to ask Dr. Vieira a question on this program. You can hear my question regarding a Con Con at about the 37:09 mark and hear what he thinks of the idea in the current political climate for yourself. For instance. he thinks that “…calling the proposal for a Con Con an unmitigated disaster is an understatement…”

“Thank you” to both Coach Dave Daubenmire (another regular News With Views contributor) for permission to post this interview and his help in mobilizing opposition to the Con Con call and to Jim Harrison of the Minutemen United for both getting this interview information to us for hosting preparation and for alerting the Minutemen United to the situation and keeping them apprised of the details and engaged in the process.

As badly as some behind this effort would like to paint the opponents as isolated ideological extremists, an examination of exactly who is in opposition paints another picture.  Several other groups, both prominent and small, from all over the conservative spectrum (yes, that’s right, we are not monolithic despite what the news media would have everyone believe) and all over the country are just as opposed to a Con Con as the Institute.

For instance, the necessarily rather hastily constructed coalition has had substantial support from groups like Tom Deweese and the American Policy Center and Phyllis Schlafly and Eagle Forum. Both Tom and Phyllis have been doing the conservative talk show circuit in opposition to a Con Con. Brannon Howse of the Christian Worldview Network is good example. You can hear his program with Tom and Phyllis here. Tom and Phyllis are also writing on the Con Con.

Larry Pratt of Gun Owners of America (GOA) understands what a Con Con means to the 2nd amendment and has brought GOA into the coalition of groups that is involved. 2008 Constitution Party presidential candidate Pastor Chuck Baldwin has come out in opposition to a Con Con as he has stated in this article.

Ron Paul’s Campaign For Liberty and the John Birch Society, which has fought several Con Con calls through the years, sometimes completely alone have lent their support andcontacted many.

The Ron Paul coalition, which knows something about the tactics that Republicans engage in when they want to stifle anything that looks like deviation from the party line and represented in Ohio by the Ohio Freedom Alliance, was pivotal in alerting members and getting people out to testify at the Judicary Committee hearing. They were also key players in getting the committee to allow public testimony.

Ohio Round Table has been involved in the effort to stop the Con Con as have the Ohio groups CHESCA, the Christian Home Educators Stark County Association who are fully cognizant of what a Con Con could easily mean to home educators, several Ohio county Right To Life groups, the Ohio Eagle Forum, We Are Change Ohio, The Ohio Libertarian Party, The Constitution Party of Ohio and others we may not yet have knowledge of.

Alternative news outlets are now involved as well. Both World Net Daily and News With Views have brought the Con Con call news the the world with stories in their outlets. A second story on Con Con calls in other states has just been published in World Net Daily and another constitutional scholar has checked into the debate.

Dr. John Eidsmoe of the Foundation for Moral Law says that Tom DeWeese’s analysis of the state resolutions possibly being non-rescindable may have merit. Article V of the Constitution is written in a manner leaving much room for interpretive freedom. But, he says, rescissions should be performed anyway and presumably be prepared to fight it out in federal courts.

Dr. Eidsmoe is familiar to anyone who has taken the Institute On The Constitution’s (IOTC) 12 week course on the Constitution as the constitutional expert who lectures on the classes videos. Michael Peroutka and Pastor David Whitney of IOTC and John Lofton of The American View radio show (heard Saturday mornings at 11:00 AM on WLRY and daily at 11:00 AM on WTHU) have also chimed in in opposition to the Con Con call.

Though their goals and approaches to problems can be very different if not sometimes in conflict, each understands what a Con Con could easily mean: an end to our current system of government and its replacement with who knows what. Our Senators and Representatives in the Ohio Legislature need to grasp that and therefore we need to keep reminding them to not only not vote on HJR 8 and SJR 9 but to withdraw them so that there can be no last minute surprise votes. After all, the original attempt looked very much an effort to try and sneak these resolutions through with no opposition from concerned citizen’s groups like those listed above.

The Post-modern Presidency

This entry is part 1 of 4 in the series Post-modern Presidency

Presidential SealIn his 2000 book, Time for Truth (available in our bookstore here), Os Guinness calls Bill Clinton America’s first post-modern president.  Post-modernism is the view emerging out of late 20th century existentialism that rejects the existence of God resulting in skepticism and relativism, and advocating the rejection of truth, certainty, and any moral foundation except that which can be created by an individual or group. It has led us to multi-culturalism, (that all cultures have equal value), historical revisionism, and political posturing.

Post-modernism recognizes the failure of the Enlightenment project (the unabashed trust in human reason) and places radical limitations on human reason because a finite human mind cannot understand an infinitely complex universe.  Since we cannot know everything, we cannot know anything.  This doubting of all truth and values leads to a culture devoid of substance where everything is image and story-telling.  Truth is relegated to whatever those in positions of power determine to be true or right.  Power is gained by creating stories, images and perceptions that appeal to people that stir them to become “believers in” or part of the story.

Guinness argues Clinton was post-modern because he was so adept at avoiding the truth and creating his own truth even in his re-creation of language.  Statements such as “what is, is” or “I did not have sex with that woman,” or “I didn’t inhale” (the marijuana) are prime examples of this.  Guinness accuses him of prevarication, which is distorting the truth or telling falsehoods.  Reverend Jesse Jackson said of Clinton in 1992, “There’s nothing he won’t do.  He’s immune to shame.  Move past all the nice posturing and get really down in there in him, you find absolutely nothing…nothing but an appetite.”  Guinness even quotes Clinton White House staffer and now CNN commentator, Paul Begala, as saying that the first rule of politics is: “Define and create the reality you want.”

This is the true legacy of the Bill Clinton White House.  And now in his post-presidential years Clinton has even been skilled enough to persuade people to believe his newest narrative, to embrace the image he now projects to not only as a presidential survivor but to now reinvent himself as a respectable elder statesman.

It is in this post-modern era of history that G.W. Bush came sweeping into the White House in the 2000 election carried by an underlying hope held by many Americans, especially conservative and Christian ones, that he might reverse this drift toward post-modernism, even if they did not know it by that name.  They wanted a return to absolute values, to principled decency, and to a government that stood for something good.  It should be understood that there is only one way to reverse or to overcome this non-rational, non-system called post-modernism and that is to go back not to the system-building optimistic humanism of recent generations but to depend on a transcendent value system based on an absolute transcendent reference point.

Francis Schaeffer would describe it as returning to a God who is really there who has spoken true truth to His creatures.  Many hoped that G.W. Bush would do this.  There was hope that he would take a stand for truth, that he would be courageous and principled, and that he would do what is right because it is right and because it is God’s truth.  After all, he was a conservative Christian.  Early in his administration he did some of this.  He stood on the right side of the embryonic stem cell issue, he signed the ban on partial-birth abortion and post-911 he offered Americans a return to true values, historical patriotism, and a sense of goodness.

Maybe America wasn’t dead after all.  Maybe the idea of a principled America based on a belief in God and true inherent values could be rekindled.  But something went terribly wrong.  And now by the end of his final term we find him powerless, and the reality of a bankrupt economy metaphorically pictures the White House perfectly.  We have a presidency which should give up and declare bankruptcy for it is a ghost house.  No one is at home.

What happened to the hope that was part of this administration?  Where did it go wrong?  How is George Bush a product of post-modernism? If Clinton was the first post-modern President, was the election of 2008 the first post-modern election?  How is President-elect Obama a representative or spokesman of post-modernism?  And finally, what is a conservative Christian to do now?  These questions will be addressed in subsequent commentaries.

Our Position On Corporate Bailouts

Public Policy RadarThe Institute for Principled Policy takes the following public position:  We are opposed to the United States Government’s proposed or attempted bailout or loan to the 3 American based automobile companies of Ford, GM, and Chrysler. 

We do not believe that it is the role of the federal government to provide financial oversight, to create a car czar, or to take over control of private industry or business.  To do so would be a major step toward socialism.  This is exactly what Karl Marx advocated the role of government to be.  We believe the role of government is to defend its citizens, to punish evil-doers, and to make good laws. 

The government has laws that cover this type of situation and those are the bankruptcy and chapter 11 laws.  We, however, are open to other creative ideas that could stimulate the purchasing of American-made automobiles, such as reducing taxes of those in the automobile industry including state sales taxes.  We could also support higher tariffs or taxes on imported parts and automobiles in order to alter the competitive balance. 

The problem with this though is that most of our American-made automobiles use many foreign made parts.  We believe there must be better answers to this dilemma than the ones proposed by Congress.  We salute those Republican Senators who are listening to the American people and opposing governmental intervention in the private sector.

Sowing The Wind- Part V

This entry is part 5 of 8 in the series Ohio Con Con Call

Public Policy RadarThe following was testimony offered before the Ohio House Judiciary Committee by Robert Owens, an attorney from Delaware, Ohio and a recent independent candidate for Ohio Attorney General.

I want to thank Chairman Blessing and the members of the committee for allowing me to speak today. My name is Robert Owens, I am a lawyer from Delaware, Ohio and I am an active member and leader in a number of Christian conservative organizations that embrace the time tested and proven concepts of limited constitutional government, free enterprise and individual liberty bestowed upon us by our creator.  I urge you to vote no on HJR 8.

Here are some of the possible results of a “run away” article 5 convention as described of by U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice Warren Burger:

1.      Total civilian disarmament.

2.      Socialization of industry.

3.      Confiscation of private property.

4.      Torture of citizens.

5.      Suppression of the Press and of Religion

If you started this day unaware of the reasons and legal arguments of a Chief Justice of the Supreme Court that talks of a “run away” convention and,

If you started this day unaware that a totally different ratification process than what you might expect is perfectly lawful and consistent with legal precedent, and

If you started this day unaware that if a article 5 convention is called in the next two years, Nancy Pelosi and her team would get to choose how delegates are selected, how they are paid, where the convention would be held and if the convention were to be held in public or in secret. And,

If you started today unaware that Ohio would be the 33rd state in the history of the republic to call for the convention and that 34 is the magic number to forcibly trigger Congress to call the convention. Then caution is urged.

If any or all of these facts were unknown to you, please do not risk giving Congress a blank check without doing all the research.  We are talking about possible political suicide to the conservative movement.  This move must be carefully examined, not hurried through a December session without scrutiny.

One point of irony should not be missed in this process.  If Congress actually followed the Constitution, we would have a balanced budget and there would be no need for this committee to consider this resolution.  What makes anyone think Congress would be limited by new rules if it does not follow the existing ones?

The proposed convention could have devastating effects upon our American tradition of being a free people.  This tradition has made us the most prosperous nation and the most charitable nation in the history of the world.

Robert’s wife Teri also testified. Here are her remarks to the committee.

Chairman Blessing and members of the House Judiciary Committee, thank you for the opportunity to provide opposing testimony on House Joint Resolution No. 8. My name is Teri Owens and I am from Delaware, Ohio.

This is my first time testifying in a legislative committee. I don’t want to waste precious time explaining who I am because my background, ethnicity, race, religion or vocation does not matter to this issue. I speak as a citizen of Ohio, who – no matter what special interest categories I might fit into – stands to be irreparably harmed by the ramifications of calling an Article V convention. The quickness and quietness with which this legislation emerged and is moving is especially troubling because of this.

With due respect to the Sponsor, Representative Huffman, for those who stand in opposition to calling an Article V Constitutional Convention, it is not about fear, but rather wisdom.

The consensus among jurists and Constitutional scholars is that once a Constitutional Convention is called in accordance with article V, state legislatures have no authority in the method of selecting delegates and no authority to limit the scope or outcome of the convention. The only precedent for this in our nation’s history was the first Constitutional Convention, which was called to amend the Articles of Confederation. Indeed this became a runaway convention that emerged not with an amendment, but a brand new form of government and Constitution which only required 9 of the 13 states to ratify in nominating conventions rather than the consent of all state legislatures per the Articles of Confederation.

By its very nature, a Constitutional convention creates a sovereign representative body of the people and no limitation of the state legislatures or congress can restrain the delegates.

Would a Constitutional Convention become another runaway jeopardizing the political protection of the God-given rights of Ohio citizens? Is it wise to take that risk in today’s divided political climate?

Associate Justice Arthur Goldberg summed up the answer this way: “if the question is whether a runaway convention is assured, the answer is no, but if the question is whether it is a real and serious possibility, the answer is yes. In our history we have only one experience with a Constitutional Convention, and while the end result was good, the convention itself was a definite runaway.”

In addition to the dangers of a con-con, the most glaring problem with HJR 8 and its companion bill SJR 9 is that a Constitutional Convention is not even needed to address the problem cited. Applications for a Convention should only be used if a Legislature believes that the present Constitution is structurally flawed and in need of repair. An unbalanced federal budget is not the result of a “Constitutional flaw,” rather it is the result of a Congress which consistently ignores the Constitutional limitations upon its spending of federal funds.

I have emailed to all of you links to a 4 part video series called Beware: Article V which was created by legislators to help you take a closer look at the serious implications of an Article V Constitutional Convention. All four parts can be viewed at principledpolicy.com.

Chairman Blessing and members of the committee, I strongly urge you to vote against sending this bill to a floor vote. This issues comes down to whether you believe the possibility of obtaining a balanced budget amendment is worth the risk that our entire ststem of government could be changed. Chairman Blessing I know that you are a 20 year champion of a Con-Con and I especially urge you to allow your fellow legislators more time to discern the wisdom of this resolution before they are forced to vote on it.

Thank you for the opportunity to speak on this important matter.

Sowing The Wind- Part IV

This entry is part 4 of 8 in the series Ohio Con Con Call

Public Policy RadarOn Wednesday Dec. 10, 2008 a hearing was held in the Ohio House Judiciary Committee. We will be printing some of the testimony which was presented in that hearing.

The following testimony is that of Chuck Michaelis who is Executive Director of Camp American and Vice-chairman of the Institute for Principled Policy.

Thank you, Chairman Blessing and to the House Judiciary Committee members for the opportunity to testify today on House Joint Resolution (HJR) 8.

Chairman Blessing, my name is Chuck Michaelis and I am Vice-chairman of the Institute For Principled Policy. We are an Ohio-based public policy think tank.

I come before you today to speak in opposition to HJR 8. The goals of HJR 8 are noble. In this age of financial instability, rapidly rising deficits and concern about when the effects of turning on the government printing presses to bail out mortgage lenders and large manufacturers will be felt in the form of inflation, it is imperative that government be required to do what I have to do at home- live within my means.

To that end, a properly constructed balanced budget amendment to the US Constitution could very well be the answer to the financial instability our nation is currently experiencing. And while I applaud the effort I must call the committee’s attention to the fact that the calling for a Constitutional Convention for that express purpose would be, in all likelihood the first step towards an unmitigated disaster.

Historically, HJR 8 looks a lot like the documents issued by the Continental Congress in February 1787 and the documents issued from the legislatures of several states appointing delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1787. Congress passed a resolution, based on the findings of the Annapolis Convention, a meeting of the delegations of 5 states-Virginia, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New York- to discuss defects in the Articles of Confederation, which called a convention of all 13 states, “…for the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation and reporting to Congress and the several legislatures such alterations and provisions therein as shall when agreed to in Congress and confirmed by the states render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of Government & the preservation of the Union. (emphasis added)” The Articles had an absolute requirement that any amendments to them had to be accepted unanimously. Note that Rhode Island sent no delegates to the Con Con of 1787.

Several states that did send delegates to the Con Con were worried about what a runaway convention could do to the Articles of Confederation and the sovereignty of their states. The documents they used to appoint delegates stringently required the delegates to discuss amendments to the Articles only and, especially in the case of Delaware, forbade them to discuss the elimination of the Articles and their replacement with a new constitution. Other states that restricted their delegations from participating in elimination of the Articles included Connecticut, New York and Massachusetts.

And yet, after the first official act of the Con Con of 1787 was to agree to work in complete secret, the convention agreed to violate the instructions given by both the Continental Congress and their state legislatures. That’s the moment that the convention became a runaway. And how could it not have become one? Most Con Con historians admit that a number of delegates had the elimination of the Articles as their main objective all along. Among them Madison, Hamilton, Washington and Franklin.

When men of genius like this are appointed to an office that can only be described as super-legislative, operating in secret, ignoring legislative restrictions, responsible in reality to no one but himself can anyone be surprised when they do everything in their power to accomplish what they set out to do in the first place?

Former Chief Justice Warren Burger was asked what he thought of some of the Con Con movements of the mid- 1980’s. he said-

“I have also repeatedly given my opinion that there is no effective way to limit or muzzle the actions of a Constitutional Convention. The convention could make its own rules and set its own agenda. Congress might try to limit the convention to one amendment or to one issue, but there is no way to assure that the convention would obey. After a convention is convened, it will be too late to stop the convention if we don’t like its agenda. The meeting in 1787 ignored the limit placed by the confederation Congress “for the sole and express purpose. (emphasis added)”

Burger would be in a position to know the history, being both a Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and head of a federal committee to celebrate the bicentennial of the ratification of the US constitution in 1989 due to his scholarship on the subject.

In light of Chief Justice Burger’s opinion, I would like to ask this committee to contemplate a number of questions before deciding to become one of the several states which have active Con Con resolutions.

In the event that 34 states ask for a Con Con and Congress is then forced to call an Article V Constitutional Convention what will Ohio do if Congress uses its authority to appoint all of the delegates? Article V contains no requirement that the states be represented in a Con Con.

If the states are allowed to choose their own delegates then who will choose them? The Governor? The House, The Senate? A bi-cameral panel? A blue-ribbon commission? A plebescite? If by plebescite then who picks the potential candidates? Who can vote? All eligible electors? Taxpayers only? Or would we possibly, in the interest of “enfranchisement”, allow all citizens and potentially foreign nationals the franchise for this special election?

What would the requirements be for a candidate for delegate? Exclusively lawyers? A mix of professionals? So-called “proportional representation” of all special interest groups? Will people of strong religious conviction be excluded? What will the exact criteria for eligibility be?

What will the deliberative body look like ideologically? Will there be representation for anarchists? Libertarians? Marxists? Constitutional Conservatives? How will you know how the body is constituted? How can that possibly be controlled or should it be?

Frankly, as a constituent of this body, I think I should have some knowledge about how my representatives have planned to control these variables when there is a very real possibility that a runaway Constitutional Convention will vote to discard the Constitution of 1789 in favor of “something new.”

Can this body convince me that the bill of rights will remain intact in the event of a runaway Con Con? In light of earlier Con Con history, can you guarantee that there will still be states existing as sovereign bodies after a Con Con? Had Alexander Hamilton gotten his way in 1787 there would be no separate states. Will a potential new constitution recognize my rights as being an inalienable gift of God which government is charged to protect by Him? Or will it treat them as a gift of government to be taken away and returned on the whim of whoever holds power?

As you can see there are many questions that must to be answered and many important concerns to be worked through before a Con Con can safely be petitioned for. I’m not sure that I’m convinced that a proper amount of contemplation of these questions and their broader consequences has been considered when I observe the speed which is being employed to push this measure through the legislative process.

Chairman Blessing, I want to thank you and the members of the committee for your patience and indulgence in hearing my testimony. I would be more than happy to answer any questions you might have of me.

Sowing The Wind- Part III

This entry is part 3 of 8 in the series Ohio Con Con Call

Public Policy RadarThere will be public hearings on the Ohio House’s  HJR 8, the call for a Constitutional Convention (Con Con), on Wednesday morning Dec. 10, 2008.

Several groups like the Ohio Freedom Alliance, CHESCA and others have managed to make it possible for those of us who oppose the Con Con resolution to give testimony before the House Judiciary Committee.

If you wish to testify, please write out your testimony and make 30 copies for the House Judiciary Committee. Meet at in the Capitol Rotunda at 9:15 AM on Wednesday December 12, 2008.