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Valuing Civil Dissent

Dr. Mark Hamilton, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Ashland University

In November 2008 I was attending a conference in downtown San Diego.  As I exited a Saturday session and emerged out of the hotel onto the street for a breath of warm fresh air, I was struck by a distant roar.  It was low and constant but seemed to be gradually increasing.  I walked in the direction of the reverberating echo  and in about two blocks came to a brigade of humans about six across marching orderly and chanting in rhythm.   As I carefully read the signs and listened to their repetitious outcries, I realized it was an organized march on behalf of gay marriage protesting California’s passage of the Marriage Amendment.

I was shocked by the massive turnout of people, but I was equally surprised at the relative control and respect demonstrated by the crowd.  My only previous experience with a gay parade had been over a decade ago in Boston when my wife and I, along with our two daughters, drove into Boston for a walk along the famous historic Freedom Trail and while on our casual walk encountered a shocking gay parade.  We were forced to step into several stores to shield our eyes and the eyes and ears of our young children from the profanities being shouted and the visual obscenities.   The San Diego march was quite different.  The signs made their points, the crowd was loud but orderly, and they were respectful to the surrounding citizenry.  They allowed me to politely cross through their midst to meet my ride.  I later found out that there were dissents like that all across America that day but that the San Diego one was the largest, estimated at between 20-25 thousand people.   And though I disagreed with the content of their political statements, it was important to recognize they were appropriately exercising their political rights and freedoms and doing so legally and without infringing upon the rights of others.

It has been rightly stated innumerable times that America is a nation built on dissent.  The founding fathers began the rebellion against England as a form of dissent and had the insight to protect the rights of others to dissent through the First Amendment.  America’s great strength has been its ability to allow disagreement and dialogue.  I am a conservative yet I often dissented with the Bush administration on issues like spending, the increasing size of government, the War in Iraq, the use of what I would consider questionable means of extracting information, the lack of foresight in developing renewable sources of energy or the inability to make a decision on the status of the detainees in Guantanamo prison by placing them on military trial.

One of the great failures of the Bush presidency was its breakdown to dialogue with friendly dissenters, with conservatives.   I have been frequently disturbed by so-called conservatives who blindly followed his policies thinking that Republicans are naturally conservative, are always right, or that because Bush confessed Christ he was making “Christian decisions.”   Unfortunately many conservatives mindlessly think that a dislike of war is a lack of patriotism or that the more one refuses to support the use of force the more un-American a person becomes.  We fail to look at the complexities that are involved in defining a truly “just war.”   America is becoming a country of mindless conservatives and mindless liberals where dissent is seen as unpatriotic or as immoral where we must fight back or silence the dissenters.  Just look at the recent events at the University of North Carolina where students violently disrupted and shouted down Tim Tancredo.  One UNC student defended the action saying, “He was not able to practice hate speech.”  Have we become so afraid of words?

We can no longer just blindly trust our government’s interpretation or our media’s reporting on these events.  They all seem to want disagreement shut down.  I want to live in America because it is a place of dissent and discussion.  I feel threatened that we contrarians are being forced to be silent by both the liberals and the conservatives.  People no longer understand what free speech is; it is a necessary freedom with great responsibility.  We may disagree with the content of what fools may say but we cannot take away their right to speak.  I’ve known the freedom to peacefully demonstrate against nuclear build-ups, against abortion, against hazardous waste incinerators, or against child pornography in mainstream bookstores and the freedom to discuss openly great issues of controversy in the college classroom.  Do we dare annihilate this freedom?

Many liberals used to be strong supporters of free speech.  Sadly this has eroded from their midst.  Even the supposed “Tolerant Mr. Obama” has prided himself on this, but if this is so why does he mock those who attended the Tea Party rallies?  Was his ridicule of the Tea Baggers a form of “Hate Speech?”  Why has the media failed to fairly cover these Tea Party events the way it covered similar Gay Rights demonstrations?  My eyes were opened to this liberal failure several years ago when they wanted protestors outside abortion mills prosecuted for racketeering (RICO act).   I had always thought that liberals knew what free speech was.  That may have been true in the past but it is no more.  I am greatly disappointed in my American friends who are liberal.    Boy, was I fooled by thinking all these years that one of the real positive things that liberals stood for was the First Amendment.  I can no longer be fooled.   Ideology has replaced American ideals.    Certainly it is politics and not ideology or justice behind the desire for “Hate Speech” legislation and the desire to silence talk radio. I’m an American and dissent is at the fabric of my being.  Do not take this away from me and do not shut me down.   If you do so you shut down the last vestiges of America.

To Begin Baseball’s Healing

bizarro-baseball-without-steroidsI love baseball.  I’ve loved it for as long as I can remember.  I have vague memories of Tito Francona (my first favorite player) hitting .361 in 1959 and watching on television the Dodgers/White Sox World Series that year.  As a child growing up in the ’60’s the numbers that I knew by heart were 61, 2,130, 56, .406, .367, and the previous year’s .era and batting average of every Cleveland Indians player.  I loved Bubba Phillips, Daddy “Wags”, Jim Perry, Jimmy Pearsall, and Woody Held.  Friends called me “Pedro” after Indians second-baseman Pedro Gonzalez.  Baseball records and statistics were only surpassed in affection by glossy pictures of my heroes and bubble gum.  And when a great record was broken, it was so impressive, I could hardly believe it.  But my days of heroes long ago ended with Pete Rose’s betrayal of the game I thought we both loved.  I captained my college baseball team in SW Ohio while Pete played in Cincinnati and always wished I could play like him.  But Pete sold out.  How could he betray “the greatest game ever invented!”

But Pete Rose now looks like a choirboy.  The “Roid Boys” of the last twenty-five years now have destroyed the game in ways “Shoeless Joe” and “Charlie Hustle” never imagined.  There is now only one solution-throw out all the statistics of the last twenty-five years.  They never happened.  It was only a St. Elsewhere’s dream.  Let’s begin the season of 2009 all over again.  We can put 2009 in the record books right after 1985 and throw out all championships, records, all Hall of Fame inductees, and all records as if they never happened.  For forty years I followed the mediocre to horrible Cleveland Indians, until the teams of the mid-nineties arrived.  Tears swelled my eyes in 1995 when the Indians actually made the World Series.  I really didn’t believe that I would live to see that day.  My dreams of pennants had always been trashed by injuries to the arm of Steve Hargan or discovered holes in the swing of Cory Snyder the year he and Joe Carter graced the cover of Sports Illustrated predicting the year of the Tribe.  But were my 1995 tears wasted on players who were juiced?  Will we ever know what caused the rapid demise of Carlos Baerga, whether Albert Belle’s outbursts were roid-rage, how Jim Thome became so big, or whether Manny Ramirez really is the greatest “natural” right-handed hitter of this era or any era?

The recent revelations concerning A-Rod are the final straw.  Like Raphael Palmeiro he looked into the camera and lied about being juiced.  Now we know that truth about Bonds, McGuire, Clemons, Sosa, Giambi, Rodriquez and many others, some named, some yet to be revealed.  Is the lowly Jose Canseco the only one who has been speaking the truth in the last few years?  I want to know the names of the other 103 who tested positive in 2003.

Nothing about the steroid era can now be believed or trusted.  These users and abusers must be castigated.  There is no place in the game for cheaters and law-breakers who “doctor” not the equipment but rather their own bodies.  Do we really realize how immoral this is?  Can we begin to grasp the depth of theft involved in illegally obtaining statistical success for fame and fortune?  They have significantly diminished the immense challenge of the grand game of bat and ball.

I’ve read stories of those who swam in the 1972 Olympics against East German women who had the muscles of men from their steroid usage.  They had an unfair advantage as do any who distort the game by perverting their own bodies.  Ben Johnson had his medals removed when it was proved that he tipped the scales in his favor to win Olympic Gold; the baseball rings, championships, and records of baseball players who betrayed the game, their opponents, and the fans by “fixing” the challenge of the contest in their favor should suffer the same fate as Ben Johnson.

Asterisks are useful and can be placed in the record books, but why stop there? Let’s remove their names altogether.  No juiced player should enter the Hall of Fame.  They should be whited-out from the game and quarantined like Rose.  And what are we to do with a commissioner who has turned his back on the game while lawlessness prevailed?  Selig ignored the obvious in the 1990’s while Sosa and McGuire were reviving interest in the game through their mythical home run race.  Selig sold his soul and the soul of the game for the enhanced revenue brought in through these bionic behemoths.  Every owner and journalist who truly loves major league baseball should immediately jump on the bandwagon to derail Bud from his position of authority for failing to be the watchdog of integrity during his reign.  We are angry and disgusted.  We want justice through prosecutions, suspensions, bans, asterisks, whiteouts of records and resignations.  These actions and time alone will provide the healing for the game and the fans who have been pierced to the heart by those we trusted as its stewards and inheritors.


What Lies Ahead; Postmodern Presidency- Part IV

This entry is part 4 of 4 in the series Post-modern Presidency

Presidential SealFortunately G. W. Bush failed as a post-modern president.  He was unable to project a successful image of himself and failed at being only a pragmatist and relativist.  Unfortunately, he also failed to govern according to Biblical and eternal principles.  He applied some clear principles but often did what he thought, i.e. felt was right.  I believe that he is a man of convictions, but these convictions are not always founded on godly foundations.  In certain areas he allowed for decisions that were unbiblical.  Alas, he supported the idolatrous concept of Statism which encourages “Big Government” and the apparent inevitability of Big Government.  Some examples of this would be the No Child Left Behind Act, the Medicare Prescription Drug benefits, endless deficits, the budgetary increases, and finally the bailouts.  His economic plan was pragmatic as well and his justification for war was ineptly presented and articulated.  .

As the Bush presidency ends and Obama’s begins what can we look forward to in the future?  Will the Obama presidency be a principled or a post-modern presidency?  What have we learned concerning this through the campaign and election of 2008?  I contend that the election of 2008 was the most post-modern campaign in American history that projects to the ascendency of a truly post-modern president in Barach Obama.

In the election of 2008 the candidates were continually creating images of themselves and trying to tag the other with short lasting impressions.  It did not matter whether these impressions were true or not; what mattered is whether they stuck or not, or whether they were useful.  We know that images stick, especially since the age of television politics began.  The forerunner was the 1960 election when Kennedy debated Nixon on television and presented a far superior presence than Nixon, probably securing him victory.  And who can forget the 1988 election when Bush constantly ran a commercial depicting Dukakis as a goofball riding in a tank with his helmeted head bouncing out of the top.  These were very powerful images.

In the 2008 election each candidate was trying to own the concept of “change”.  Both Obama and McCain claimed to be agents of change and it often became a contest between who could create the greatest facade of change.  Also they tried to portray the other as having a specific image whether that picture was true or not, accurate or not, with it sometimes being partially true.  For example, McCain called Obama a socialist.  He tried to make this image of Obama stick.  Is it true that Obama is a socialist?  As a philosopher I have read the writings of socialists.  The truth of the matter is that, yes, an argument can be made that Obama is a socialist, but McCain was not good at explaining what a socialist is (one who believes in the centralized ownership of property) and exactly how Obama practices socialism.  This was difficult because McCain also has socialist tendencies and publicly supported the government bailout of the banking industry which was clearly a socialist action.  In some ways it was one socialist calling the other socialist, a socialist.

McCain was unsuccessful at making any truly negative image of Obama stick.  He attempted to portray him as inexperienced or anti-American but never really succeeded.  In contrast, Obama and his supporters were able to make McCain look consistently erratic by pinning this image of him as erratic based on his sudden decision to return to Washington and call off the campaign when the financial crisis broke out in its fullest.  Yes, this may have been an erratic-like decision by McCain, but by linking this to a few other actions like McCain’s choice of Palin along with McCain’s age made this portrayal of McCain stick.

Is McCain erratic?  I don’t know, but many of the talking heads picked up on the use of this term and suddenly everyone believed this presented a reason to be hesitant about McCain.  It did not matter whether it was a true character portrayal or not.  Americans believed that this made him a risky candidate.  The Obama campaign also successfully linked the image of McCain to the image of Bush thus damaging McCain as well.  And the slaughter of Palin by presenting false images or half-true images of her is inexcusable but was a very successful part of the Obama campaign.  McCain’s campaign often reverted to his true image of American hero, even though those events of over thirty years ago are irrelevant to his policies today. They can only reflect a bit of significance about his current character.

There was not much real substance to the campaign.  Many cannot tell you what Obama believes beyond his promise to end the war and to cut taxes.  They are unaware of his voting record on issues like abortion and government spending or control.  Obama won the election not because of his policies, but because he had a superior story and created a better image.  There was little in the campaign about policy.  Obama won because he established an image of youthfulness, vitality, steadiness, change and due to his organizational skills and ability to communicate.  Most people cannot tell you what his political accomplishments are except winning elections.  And Obama supporters accused McCain of avoiding the issues all the while curtailing the campaign from becoming a contest about issues or from it being about Obama’s voting record as the most liberal in all of the Senate.  And I personally enjoy asking Obama supporters what he has politically accomplished other than succeeded at being elected.  They do not have a response or they mutter something unrelated to the question.

Obama wants to be perceived as the president of all Americans.  He wants to be looked at as a centrist.  Evidence of this is shown by his choice of Hilary Clinton as Secretary of State, of Secretary of Defense Robert Gates a holdover from the Bush administration and of his using Rick Warren as the pastor leading the inaugural prayer.  These present us an image of a moderate democrat attempting to appeal to all America.  But when it comes to social issues Obama is no moderate.  He made a campaign promise to Planned Parenthood that he would sign the Freedom of Choice Act if it came to his desk.  This would overrule all abortion limitations that have been passed by states.  As Citizens for Community Values has revealed He has also named Tom Daschle as Secretary of Health and Human Services.  The former Senator never saw an abortion limitation he liked and even supported partial birth abortion.  He will support all anti-family legislation.  Obama has spoken of reducing the number of abortions nevertheless his White House Communications Director will be Ellen Moran, the Executive Director of Emily’s List, whose only mission is to promote pro-abortion candidates.  Overall, it looks like the litmus test of serving in the Obama cabinet or on his staff is to be pro-abortion.  Any suspicions how it will affect his court appointments?  But this extreme liberalism is not the image we have of him.

Obama has promised to “rebuild America”.  We need a “new” America, but I am afraid that it is not the one of that will be given in the near future.  The best we can expect will be a new image of America, but this incoming post-modern president could be very successful at providing a successful image of a rebuilt America.  The concern, however, must be that what that America will look like?  I have my suspicions.  What will come next may ultimately be very disconcerting and not at all look like the America we were raised on.   A successful post-modern presidency will provide an appearance of success and a perception that we have solved our troubling problems, but it will not really be an answer and certainly not make us a better people.  It is time for Americans to regroup, to reject the premises of post-modern relativism, pragmatism, and image-building and to return to a principled, biblically-based world view.  This will be the only way to truly solve the crises that we now face. Let us commit ourselves to this prayer and effort.

BUSH’S FAILURE AS A POST-MODERN

This entry is part 3 of 4 in the series Post-modern Presidency

Presidential SealSo if Bush failed as a truly principled president, was he therefore a post-modern president and thus a successful post-modern president?  In the previous essay, it was argued that Bush could have been a successful principled president but he failed at that task by compromising numerous historic principles of justice, conservatism, and capitalism.  Now this does not mean he is not a Christian or that he was personally unethical.  What it means is that at times (more and more as the years wore on) he obviously compromised these principles in developing public and social policy.  And even when he believed that he was practicing those principles he failed at clearly articulating those principles to the American public.  He will undoubtedly go down as the worst communicator among modern presidents.  His failure to stand consistently principled and his inability to articulate the principles he did hold have turned the American people against him and made him a laughingstock. Does this make him post-modern?

He did have the chance to be a great post-modern president in the image of Bill Clinton..  He had a great American story fall right into his lap.  All he needed to do was to keep America united beginning with the events of 9/11 and the story which came out of that.  Post-moderns are great story-tellers, ignoring the truth of the story.  For the post-modern it is power that matters and not whether the story is true.  Images are for power-broking.  The story was dropped into his hands on 9/11 but he failed; He was just too poor of a story-teller.

A better post-modern president could have used this to make sweeping changes toward a new revitalized America that he had created.  In post-modernism there is no essential country.  America or any country is defined by the image that those in places of power create.  Successful post-modern politicians are those who are able to re-invent themselves and re-invent their dominions as the political climate changes.  One can mock this view by sarcastically portraying the modern politician asking himself what he believes on a particular topic and then the politician quickly turning to his advisor and asking her to “quickly take a poll so I can know what I believe.”  Philosopher Richard Rorty has called it “achieving our country.”  There is no America, we have to create it.  Bush failed in this and so his popularity tumbled.

Bush tried to build an image of strength after 9/11 and told a good enough story about Weapons of Mass Destruction to unite the country for war.  But this ultimately failed.  He was caught in the apparent lie and even if it wasn’t a lie, the post-modern media which was not interested in the truth but in discrediting the president, were better post-moderns than Bush.  Thus it does not matter whether there really were weapons of mass destruction; what matters is that Bush wore the mantle of failure for the inability to find these weapons (I believe they had been moved out before we arrived).  This image stuck to him.  Today no one knows really why we are fighting. If we have a legitimate basis, then Bush and his administration have failed to sell the American public on the reason.

The image that sticks is that it is Bush’s War, not America’s, so the Democrats and the media have made this Bush’s legacy.  Bush was personally principled.  He still believes in doing the right thing. I think that he has himself convinced that he has ruled in a principled manner. The problem is he does not know what the right thing is.  He is not biblically grounded enough to rule as a principled Christian and he is not personally deceptive and immoral enough to succeed as a post-modern.  Because of that he gave in and compromised his principles based on his own personal “feelings” (and I speculate upon the advice of unprincipled advisors).

Bush’s convictions are not strong or deep enough.  I think that he still believes himself to be a fiscal conservative even though the national deficit has climbed to over a trillion dollars.  Because of this lack of principled depth, he has been too willing to compromise, and on the other hand he is too personally principled to become sold out to post-modernism.  He could not compete with the post-moderns who created an image of him that is far worse than he really is.  And for principled Christians Bush has failed by overseeing a government that has become more idolatrous than ever before wanting to oversee all of life.  Furthermore we’ve been in a prolonged indefensible war, failed to act swiftly on the economy, and showed an inability to articulate in succinct ways why principled social values need to be observed by all.  Thus I conclude then that Bush is a man without a country.  He failed in achieving a new America, a successful post-modern America, and he failed in understanding and maintaining the historic Constitutional and moral principles that is grounded in and guided by Eternal Truth. We should be rejoice that he failed as a post-modern but devastated at his failure as a truly principled ruler.  Oh, for a true Christian Statesman!

Post-Modern Success and A Failure of Principle; The Post-Modern Presidency- Part II

This entry is part 2 of 4 in the series Post-modern Presidency

Presidential SealIn the last essay post-modernism is briefly described along with how Bill Clinton’s presidency was a post-modern presidency.  That opinion piece ended with a summary of how G.W. Bush was elected by many who hoped to put a reversal to this, even if they didn’t understand the concept of post-modernism.  These supporters of Bush were people who knew that God existed, that there was truth in the universe; they were disturbed by the continued swing to relativistic ethics (morality as determined by the individual), that a lie was no longer defined as a lie, and that government was becoming God in the lives of Americans by controlling and monitoring everything we do.  Bush was a glimmer of light and hope.  Ah, relief, the Clinton years could become ancient history.  Maybe it was all a mirage, a nightmare.  Unfortunately to many it was a nightmare of the worst kind (that’s a nightmare that is not really a nightmare but reality).  With Bush’s inauguration, my Christian friends could now cease their imprecatory prayers toward Washington.

Articles are now being published attempting to evaluate the Bush years and to measure his forthcoming legacy.    Democrats are blaming him for everything, while friends and associates are publicly defending and spinning the administration’s decisions and actions.  As one looks back on the presidency of George W. Bush, one can evaluate his achievements from two distinct vantage points.  In retrospect, Bush could have had a “successful” presidential legacy by remaining principled and honorable, or second he could have succeeded in a manner like Clinton reinventing himself as a triumphant post-modern president.  Bush, though, failed on both of these accounts.  This essay will evaluate the failure in the first way and the next essay in his failure as a post-modern.

Has Bush been successful as a principled president or as a successful post-modern president?  Let’s first make a broadly general principled Christian evaluation.  As stated earlier, Bush seemingly started out well.  He was strongly pro-life and took lots of heat for his principled stand against infanticide for stem cell research purposes.  He cut taxes in 2001 and again in 2003.  Why, word even spread that he openly shared his Christian faith.  He appeared principled and talked about wanting to keep a lid on government spending.  There was hope restraint would be placed on the idolatrous role of government over our lives.

When he was first elected I actually thought that there was a chance that he would become, a truly principled president.  I was hesitant because I initially thought he was ideologically like his father, a centrist and a compromiser.  But early in his presidency he made me become optimistic that he actually was principled and historically conservative in his approach to big government, budgeting, defense, and on social issues.  And though I opposed him on faith-based initiatives because I do not see this as a role government should play.  (In response to faith-based initiatives, I’ve argued before, cut our taxes and allow us to support the faith-based causes we believe in).  I, however, saw this as an expression of his faith convictions; and the concept of compassionate conservatism rang true to the desire to practice positive fruit-bearing faith in the market place.

In the early months succeeding this 9/11 event Bush looked pretty good.  He appeared in control as he visited grief-stricken New York City.  He seemed determined to get those who had forged this atrocity.  He (we) would get the culprits, Osama bin Ladin and Sadam Hussein; we would find the weapons of mass destruction.  America would take the high road and fight terrorism on a principled moral stand, the right to self-defense.  Might and goodness would prevail.  We were the ones attacked and we had good (even God) on our side as justice would triumph.  Bush and Guiliani emerged as the symbols of this appeal to justice and Americans responded with apparent unity and a revival of patriotism. Just as Americans rallied in support of WWII after an extension of our homeland was attacked at Pearl Harbor, we could not remain still as sitting ducks.  We were united because we had been attacked.

WHAT HAPPENED?  After 9/11 Bush led us off to war, but failed to build the case for a principled just war.  It looked like a war of revenge, like a war for oil not a just war on principle.  It even felt just because we’d been attacked first, even if it had not been by the forces of Sadam Hussein.  Everyone agreed that Afghanistan that could be justifiably attacked but Iraq was questionable at best.

In order for war to be just there must be a just reason for it; it also must be declared by a competent authority and as a last resort.  There was never a just cause publicly and consistently provided for the Iraq War.  Different reasons were given at different times (an evil oppressive government, they were behind 9/11, oil) but never was a just reason accepted by a consensus, except for the initial anger.  This war should have been publicly debated prior to the invasion, not just given a nod of approval by a Congress still reeling from the effects of 9/11.  Congress failed in its initial response to the terrorism and because of that it became Bush’s War and not America’s War.  Only a public declaration of war can make a war owned by the whole government and by the people.  Since no morally comprehensive just reason for the Iraqi War was established, a new concept or reason was launched: seek out weapons of mass destruction in Iraq for they threaten the region and our interests.  We’ll fight a war not for justice but to limit the power of a potential enemy, even though they were not directly involved with the attacks of 2001.  A just cause could have also been a formal declaration of war against Iraq for training, supporting, and harboring those who had declared war on America, but this too was not done.

As it became obvious that there was no consensus publict reason for the Iraqi War, except to capture Sadam Hussein, Bush emerged no longer principled but willing to buy and sell a lie without real verification, to send us to war on this lie, to compromise principles of just war by permitting and even supporting the torture of prisoners.  Then to justify torture, specifically water-boarding, leadership becomes Clintonesque by redefining torture.  There is no difference in Bush saying that it is not torture than Clinton saying it is not sex.  Our collective character, at least what remained of it, was substantially destroyed in this war.  Foreign countries mock us because we’ve no visible character left standing. It has been said that America is great because it is good, but I add that once America is no longer good that it ceases to be great.  Of course there are great difficulties and challenges in fighting an assymmetrical war, but at what moral cost?  A just war must be fought in a just way but also all-out to be won.

Furthermore we hold prisoners without trial calling them prisoners of war, yet we are technically still not at war.  I believe that those who are being held at Guatanamo are generally terrorists and evil men, but our own system of law cannot be compromised.  We needed to either hold them as prisoners of war, as part of a legally declared just war, or charge them as international criminals and publicly try them.  Instead we just hold them and make ourselves  unjust.  And internally, historic American rights to privacy are lost to the pragmatic security argument post 911 and in recent years government expansion occurs exponentially.  Bush must be commended for protecting American citizens post-9/11, but what freedoms have been compromised?  And how compromised do our borders still remain?  Let’s see now, we are still in a war that continues today, a war based on muddled premises, and a war that has expanded government and possibly compromised American freedoms.

This war, like all post WWII wars is ironically not formally a war, yet it is a war.  A principled president would have declared a formal declaration of war and gone forward with it, or not have done so at all on this basis.  This is unquestionably difficult when the war is not against a state but asymmetrical and against a “hidden” group of people.  Nevertheless, it needed to have been guided by the principles of justice, not by pragmatic aspirations.  And yes, we detain prisoners for years without trials justifying it by calling them prisoners of war, but we are still not constitutionally at war.  (This is the new post-modern re-definition of war.  We only call it a war when it works for us to do so otherwise it is not a war).  Before the war began I publicly stated that a plan for a replacement government in Iraq had to be in place before the war/revolution there began.  It had to be a war owned by the revolutionaries from Iraq and supported by outside military forces.  In order for it to be successful it had to be a war led by the Iraqi people in a just revolution with a government in exile already in place even before the war began.

This non-war war continues.  The budget is out of control, the national debt has multiplied, yet some people believe Bush is still a conservative?  Compassionate conservatism (I haven’t heard that phrase for years) is dead; it means nothing today.  And most recently government has involved itself in areas where it has no right being, in the government bailouts of privately owned banks and businesses.  This economic crisis has not been confronted by consistent principles but rather by pragmatic considerations.  One of the most glaring statements of absurdity and post-modernity was recently uttered by Bush, “I’ve abandoned free market principles to save the free market system.”  No, George, you’ve abandoned these principles in order to save your own legacy.

Bush failed as a principled president, the hope that so many had when he entered office. There was another option for Bush though.  Bush still had the possibility of becoming a successful post-modern president.  Is Bush really a closet post-modern and only deceived us in being principled?  In the next installment, an examination of Bush as a post-modern president will be given.

The Post-modern Presidency

This entry is part 1 of 4 in the series Post-modern Presidency

Presidential SealIn his 2000 book, Time for Truth (available in our bookstore here), Os Guinness calls Bill Clinton America’s first post-modern president.  Post-modernism is the view emerging out of late 20th century existentialism that rejects the existence of God resulting in skepticism and relativism, and advocating the rejection of truth, certainty, and any moral foundation except that which can be created by an individual or group. It has led us to multi-culturalism, (that all cultures have equal value), historical revisionism, and political posturing.

Post-modernism recognizes the failure of the Enlightenment project (the unabashed trust in human reason) and places radical limitations on human reason because a finite human mind cannot understand an infinitely complex universe.  Since we cannot know everything, we cannot know anything.  This doubting of all truth and values leads to a culture devoid of substance where everything is image and story-telling.  Truth is relegated to whatever those in positions of power determine to be true or right.  Power is gained by creating stories, images and perceptions that appeal to people that stir them to become “believers in” or part of the story.

Guinness argues Clinton was post-modern because he was so adept at avoiding the truth and creating his own truth even in his re-creation of language.  Statements such as “what is, is” or “I did not have sex with that woman,” or “I didn’t inhale” (the marijuana) are prime examples of this.  Guinness accuses him of prevarication, which is distorting the truth or telling falsehoods.  Reverend Jesse Jackson said of Clinton in 1992, “There’s nothing he won’t do.  He’s immune to shame.  Move past all the nice posturing and get really down in there in him, you find absolutely nothing…nothing but an appetite.”  Guinness even quotes Clinton White House staffer and now CNN commentator, Paul Begala, as saying that the first rule of politics is: “Define and create the reality you want.”

This is the true legacy of the Bill Clinton White House.  And now in his post-presidential years Clinton has even been skilled enough to persuade people to believe his newest narrative, to embrace the image he now projects to not only as a presidential survivor but to now reinvent himself as a respectable elder statesman.

It is in this post-modern era of history that G.W. Bush came sweeping into the White House in the 2000 election carried by an underlying hope held by many Americans, especially conservative and Christian ones, that he might reverse this drift toward post-modernism, even if they did not know it by that name.  They wanted a return to absolute values, to principled decency, and to a government that stood for something good.  It should be understood that there is only one way to reverse or to overcome this non-rational, non-system called post-modernism and that is to go back not to the system-building optimistic humanism of recent generations but to depend on a transcendent value system based on an absolute transcendent reference point.

Francis Schaeffer would describe it as returning to a God who is really there who has spoken true truth to His creatures.  Many hoped that G.W. Bush would do this.  There was hope that he would take a stand for truth, that he would be courageous and principled, and that he would do what is right because it is right and because it is God’s truth.  After all, he was a conservative Christian.  Early in his administration he did some of this.  He stood on the right side of the embryonic stem cell issue, he signed the ban on partial-birth abortion and post-911 he offered Americans a return to true values, historical patriotism, and a sense of goodness.

Maybe America wasn’t dead after all.  Maybe the idea of a principled America based on a belief in God and true inherent values could be rekindled.  But something went terribly wrong.  And now by the end of his final term we find him powerless, and the reality of a bankrupt economy metaphorically pictures the White House perfectly.  We have a presidency which should give up and declare bankruptcy for it is a ghost house.  No one is at home.

What happened to the hope that was part of this administration?  Where did it go wrong?  How is George Bush a product of post-modernism? If Clinton was the first post-modern President, was the election of 2008 the first post-modern election?  How is President-elect Obama a representative or spokesman of post-modernism?  And finally, what is a conservative Christian to do now?  These questions will be addressed in subsequent commentaries.

Our Position On Corporate Bailouts

Public Policy RadarThe Institute for Principled Policy takes the following public position:  We are opposed to the United States Government’s proposed or attempted bailout or loan to the 3 American based automobile companies of Ford, GM, and Chrysler. 

We do not believe that it is the role of the federal government to provide financial oversight, to create a car czar, or to take over control of private industry or business.  To do so would be a major step toward socialism.  This is exactly what Karl Marx advocated the role of government to be.  We believe the role of government is to defend its citizens, to punish evil-doers, and to make good laws. 

The government has laws that cover this type of situation and those are the bankruptcy and chapter 11 laws.  We, however, are open to other creative ideas that could stimulate the purchasing of American-made automobiles, such as reducing taxes of those in the automobile industry including state sales taxes.  We could also support higher tariffs or taxes on imported parts and automobiles in order to alter the competitive balance. 

The problem with this though is that most of our American-made automobiles use many foreign made parts.  We believe there must be better answers to this dilemma than the ones proposed by Congress.  We salute those Republican Senators who are listening to the American people and opposing governmental intervention in the private sector.

Book Review- Quiet Strength

Book Stack

QUIET STRENGTH by Tony Dungy – Tyndale House Publishers, 2007
Forward by Denzel Washington (301 pages).

It seems most Christian Sports books are full of fluff often focusing on athletic success or the powers of the athlete to overcome great odds to achieve success in some miraculous manner. Seldom do they focus on the daily challenges that all normal humans face. This often makes the successful athlete’s experience unrealistic and something to which the amateur athlete or non-athlete cannot personally relate. This is not the case with Tony Dungy’s autobiography, Quiet Strength. This book is different in that it connects the faith journey of Tony Dungy, the coach of the 2007 Super Bowl winning Indianapolis Colts, to the life experiences and challenges many of us encounter. This book is primarily about life and faith so the person who is looking for a pure sports book might be a bit disappointed. But there is plenty about football though covering Dungy’s college days as a quarterback and the lack of opportunity as a professional quarterback because of his race, his emergence as a coach, and exciting football moments in his coaching career. It is also insightful to see how Dungy is connected to many of the great coaches of all-time such as Chuck Noll and Bill Walsh, and current coaches such as Lovie Smith and Herm Edwards (two of Dungy’s closest friends). But the book is not primarily about sports.

This book’s main character is seemingly Coach Dungy, however the true central character is really Jesus Christ. Dungy clarifies how he was raised in a family of faith but that it was necessary for him to learn to trust Christ through the various trials he experienced in daily living. He describes in detail several specific challenges where he experienced the sovereign hand of God directing him, such as his college career, his professional teammates who were a testimony of faith to him, his failures as a professional athlete leading to the discovery of his profession, his failures and firings as a coach, his eventual meeting of his future wife, dealing with his son’s suicide, and his eventual winning of a Super Bowl.

Dungy’s most difficult experience was his son Jamie’s suicide. He does not sensationalize the situation, nor does he placate the voyeuristic desires of the readers who want to know the whys and hows of the suicide. Instead he elaborates on the support he found from Christian friends, his Church’s care, and on his own words at the funeral service including some stirring anecdotes about Jamie. Dungy concluded his remarks at the funeral with the following, “The last and most important thing I want to leave you with is this. Despite my having shed a few tears here, this is really a celebration in the midst of tragedy. When Jamie was five years old, he accepted Christ as his Savior. When Lauren and I would talk to him about his identity, about who he was and who he wanted to become, that was one thing we could tell him for sure, for certain—that his identity was in Christ. The apostle Paul wrote that nothing can ever separate us from the love of God that’s in Jesus Christ” (p. 255). The one constant through all these experiences is the theme that God is ultimately in control directing the events of life and that faith is the appropriate response to every situation.

Near the end of the book Dungy summarizes, “And so we press on. We press on with our memories, our hearts buoyed by a God who loves us and wants us to know him deeply. We press on with our sense that life’s not always fair. And we press on with the knowledge—and—assurance that even though we can’t see all of God’s plan, He is there, at work and in charge, loving us. We press on with the conviction that even though we don’t deserve the gifts and blessings we’ve been given, He gives them anyway. We press on with the conviction that even though we don’t deserve the gifts and blessings we’ve been given, He gives them anyway. We press on into an abundant life on earth, followed by an eternity with God” (p. 297). Dungy understands the appropriate roll of sports, something that all athletes and parents of blooming athletes should understand. He writes, “But football is just a game. It’s not family. It’s not a way of life. It doesn’t provide any sort of intrinsic meaning. It’s just football. It lasts for three hours, and when the game is over, it’s over” (p. xiv).

The book is chronologically structured, practical, and well-written. The central theme is the need to put one’s priorities in order and to consistently live out these priorities as a role model for others. Often Dungy pauses to raise great questions and usually provides his own answers. At one point pondering the issue of fame Dungy asks, “What will people remember us for? Are people’s lives better because we lived? Did we make a difference? Did we use to the fullest the gifts and abilities that God gave us? Did we give our best effort, and did we do it for the right reasons?” (p. 144). In response he states, “God’s definition of success is really one of significance—the significant difference our lives can make in the lives of others. This significance doesn’t show up in win-loss records, long resumes, or the trophies gathering on our mantels. It’s found in the hearts and lives of those we’ve come across who are in some way better because of the way we lived” (p. 144).

Reviewed by Mark Hamilton